Why I Am Not A (Irish) Nationalist

During my teenage years, I was a passionate nationalist (because nationalism varies so much by country, this will be mainly in reference to Irish nationalism, but applicable to nationalism generally). I’ve always had a great interest in history and I loved to read about heroes from the glorious past. I especially loved the stories about the heroes who fought the British during 800 years of foreign occupation. While my classmates were interested in football and television, I read everything I could about Gaelic chieftains during ancient times, glorious rebels who fought for liberty, the United Irishmen who battled for a Republic where Catholics and Protestants would be equal, the brave war of independence and the modern war to throw the British out of Northern Ireland.

Of course, I also knew about the crimes of Britain. It invaded and conquered my land, oppressed and robbed us. I read about despicable villains like Oliver Cromwell whose name was as cursed as the Devil. The Great Famine when the fields were filled with corpses due to British neglect. The sectarian Northern Ireland government that suppressed Catholics and only served Protestants. They tried to kill our language, our traditions, our culture. If they succeed we would cease to be Irish, instead Ireland would merely be a province of Britain. Because of Britain we were poor, because of Britain we suffered. Perfidious Albion, the cause of all our problems.

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But the more I read, the more I began to doubt. If Britain caused all the problems, why did the problems not disappear after independence? Under British rule, Britain was blamed for all our problems – if only we had our own state! But after independence we painted the post-boxes greens but little else changed. We had a new flag but the same old poverty. With independence we have national pride and nationalist symbols but people still suffered terrible living conditions. It soon became clear that nationalist slogans were not enough to improve the country.

The greatest and most obvious sign of failure was the waves of emigrants. We had a free and independent land but every year tens of thousands of Irish people fled the country. Was this something the nation could be proud of? Nationalists often boast of the glory of the nation, but if the country was so glorious, why were so many people fleeing it? During the first seventy years of independence, the population actually decreased due to emigration. Nationalists frequently blame the British and the Famine for the decline in the population of Ireland, but this trend continued long after the British left. Nationalism gave us the right to fly our flag and sing rebel songs, but you can’t eat a flag and songs don’t provide for your family. That’s why I lost my belief in nationalism, I saw that it didn’t solve our problems.

When Britain left, the Catholic Church entered and oppression was replaced with oppression. We were independent from Britain but totally dependent on the Catholic Church. The Church ruled without opposition for decades, controlled most schools and hospitals and censured anything they considered against church teachings. Homosexuality, divorce, contraceptives and “dangerous” books were all banned. The Church created places for “incorrect” people and there they beat, raped and neglected babies, children and women. Close to my hometown, they discovered a mass grave filled with the corpses of babies. Not British, but Irish people did this. Is it better that our fellow nationals committed these crimes under our flag as part of our own state?

The dark side of nationalism is that it needs an enemy. Nationalism is not only love of your country, but also dislike for other countries. Heroes of course need villains. If your country is superior, then that means that others are inferior. Irish nationalism is as much anti-British as it is pro-Irish. To be Irish means not to be British.

Nationalism can also motivate people to kill others. Nationalists believe that they should die and kill for their nation. The First and Second World Wars are the worst examples of this, when millions of people killed each other in the name of their nations. People were expelled from their homes so that the land could belong to our nation. In the name of nationalism, people can commit terrible crimes, they can steal, beat, kill and be a hero for doing so.

As I read more, I learned about events that don’t appear in the songs or on the murals of the heroic rebels. All Irish people know the slaughters of Cromwell, but how many know that he was responding to slaughters committed by Irish people? During the 1641 rebellion, Irish rebels massacred thousands of Protestants. In name the 1798 rebellion was for all religions, but in action the Catholics locked Protestants in a barn in Scullabogue and set it on fire. During the Troubles in Northern Ireland, the IRA murdered many innocent people just because they were Protestant. I never heard any song about a hero that left a bomb in a pub and ran away. Was that a blow for freedom?

I don’t understand how the IRA helped the cause of freedom when they exploded a bomb during a memorial service in Enniskillen for those who died in the First World War. Were they heroes, the Irishmen who halted a bus in Kingsmills and shot every Protestant onboard? Should we be happy that they didn’t harm the single Catholic onboard (who the Protestants tried to protect?) Why has no one written a song about the brave men who strapped bombs to cars and forced innocent people to drive into British checkpoints and exploded the bombs?

Nationalist_Pray-for-Erin

Every Irish person knows about “Bloody Sunday” when British soldiers killed 13 innocent people and Nationalists call this terrible atrocity a reason for the British to leave Northern Ireland. But what about “Bloody Friday” when IRA soldiers filled Belfast town with bombs, killed 9 and wounded 130? Of course Nationalists have excuses and apologies for these “accidents”, but how can you condemn the other side when your hands are covered in blood?

Even nowadays, during peacetime, Northern Ireland is an example of the bad effects of Nationalism. The region has serious problems of unemployment and poverty but the political parties prefer to argue over flags. I’m not exaggerating, there have been riots over the decision to fly the British flag at the City Hall only on special occasions instead of every day. Currently, the parliament has split up due to an argument over the Irish language. Even though almost no one in Northern Ireland speaks Irish, it has symbolic value for Nationalists, so that’s why they are ignoring problems of healthcare, education, transport etc. I heard a joke about an opinion poll that asked someone “Under which flag would you prefer to be unemployed?”. For Nationalists, poverty doesn’t matter so long as the right flag is flying.

I remember during my childhood, the four cul-de-sacs of my housing estate united against a common enemy, namely the housing estate across the road. Silly and trivial, isn’t it, but it was a petty form of Nationalism. We thought that our place was the best and were ready to fight against our neighbour. We united over our common identity and all the lads (the girls showed a disappointing lack of patriotism) overcame our differences for the greater good. If there was a border on the street, as in Northern Ireland (where the border runs along random streets and fields), people would say that it’s completely understandable that the boys oppose each other, because they are completely separate ethnicities.

But at the local primary school, all the housing estates in the village united against the common enemy, the neighbouring parish and its primary school. The two parishes had a common GAA team, but I remember players refusing to pass to me because I came from the other village. My secondary school had students from three parishes and during the breaks, we would stand in separate groups and occasionally fight. But even we could unite against those from the city because those lads were too different to us. But we could unite with the city against the foreign culture of Dublin. But with Dubliners we have our common Irish identity, we are the same compared with the British. Of course, with Britain and Western Europe we have much in common compared with the Eastern Europeans. Nowadays, some say that all Europeans must unite based on our common culture against Muslims with their strange and foreign ways. When I hear this, I think of the lads of my housing estate, throwing insults across the street at the lads from the other estate.

But Nationalism is a bit silly isn’t it? Based on the random luck of birth, I declare a link between myself and famous writers and soldiers, even though I’ve never met them. I take pride in buildings created before my birth and events that I never took part in. If two sportspeople I don’t know are competiting, I’m either delighted or devastated based on how well “we” do. George Bernard Shaw once said that “Nationalism is the belief that your country is superior to all others because you were born in it”. If there’s an intellectual, it’s because our nation is intelligent. If someone is a thief, we ignore it if they’re one of us, but there’s a problem if they’re a foreigner. Then we ask why are they so inclined to steal? How do we stop them? It’s no longer about one person robbing another, but “them” robbing “us”.

I grew up in a village where everyone was Irish, so it was easy to believe that us Irish were unique and special. But after university, I travelled, learned Esperanto, lived abroad and met people from many different countries. Maybe it’s naïve or cliched to say that I found we are all the same, but that did happen. It’s not easy to declare that your nation is special and the best after you’ve met other nationalities. I’ve sat and chatted with friendly and welcoming people irrespective of nationality, which had nothing to do with their personality. Viewing us as separate people who need separate homelands seems a bit silly after that.

I’m sure that some will call me a traitor for writing this or accuse me of being ashamed to be Irish. Maybe this blog is a left-wing SJW attempt to undermine the Irish nation (hasn’t political discourse online gotten awful?). No, I’m not ashamed to be Irish, I’m just realistic about what it means. I recognise the whole history, including the atrocities, not just the heroic parts that make us feel good. My nationality is a part of me, the same as my hometown, my family, my face. But I don’t believe that my country is the best in the world, just as I don’t believe that my hometown is the best or my family is the best. I accept it without boasting. Nationalism only creates walls between us and I prefer to overcome them.

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6 thoughts on “Why I Am Not A (Irish) Nationalist”

  1. This piece reminds me of GK Chesterton’s quote on Rudyard Kipling…
    “The great gap in his mind is what may be roughly called the lack of patriotism–that is to say, he lacks altogether the faculty of attaching himself to any cause or community finally and tragically; for all finality must be tragic. He admires England, but he does not love her; for we admire things with reasons, but love them without reasons. He admires England because she is strong, not because she is English.”

    Nationalism is rooted in rivalry, patriotism is loving your homeland just because it is home.

  2. Given your politics, you might find this interesting.

    I often wonder if Irish independence could have come without war and partition. It’s interesting to note that the home rule bill had already passed in 1914, two years before the rising.

  3. THE IRISH HOLOCAUST COVER UP

    Irishmen and Irishwomen!
    Read this site and weep. Weep for the agonies and deaths of your people at the hands of genocidists. The authorities who imposed the curriculum, the teachers and professors who funneled it into you, have carefully kept you uninformed as to which British regiment, or that any regiment, murdered your people. Until now, that information was kept from you. You had no access to it. You do now – you read it on your computer screen! Commit the regiment’s name to memory.

    Never, ever, forget it!
    Learn its British HQ town. As no Jewish person would ever refer to the “Jewish Oxygen Famine of 1939 – 1945”, so no Irish person ought ever refer to the Irish Holocaust as a famine.

    Is Britain’s cover-up of its 1845-1850 holocaust in Ireland the most successful Big Lie in all of history?

    The cover-up is accomplished by the same British terrorism and bribery that perpetrated the genocide. Consider: why does Irish President Mary Robinson call it “Ireland’s greatest natural 1 disaster” while she conceals the British army’s role? Potato blight, “phytophthora infestans”, did spread from America to Europe in 1844, to England and then Ireland in 1845 but it didn’t cause famine anywhere. Ireland did not starve for potatoes; it starved for food.

    Ireland starved because its food, from 40 to 70 shiploads per day, was removed at gunpoint by 12,000 British constables reinforced by the British militia, battleships, excise vessels, Coast Guard and by 200,000 British soldiers (100,000 at any given moment) The attached map shows the never-before-published names and locations in Ireland of the food removal regiments (Disposition of the Army; Public Record Office, London; et al, of which we possess photocopies). Thus, Britain seized from Ireland’s producers tens of millions of head of livestock; tens of millions of tons of flour, grains, meat, poultry & dairy products; enough to sustain 18 million persons.

    The Public Record Office recently informed us that their British regiments’ Daily Activity Reports of 1845-1850 have “gone missing.” Those records include each regiment’s cattle drives and grain-cart convoys it escorted at gun-point from the Irish districts assigned to it. Also “missing” are the receipts issued by the British army commissariat officers in every Irish port tallying the cattle and tonnage of foodstuff removed; likewise the export lading manifests. Other records provide all-revealing glimpses of the “missing” data; such as: …

    From Cork harbor on one day in 1847 2 the AJAX steamed for England with 1,514 firkins of butter, 102 casks of pork, 44 hogsheads of whiskey, 844 sacks of oats, 247 sacks of wheat, 106 bales of bacon, 13 casks of hams, 145 casks of porter, 12 sacks of fodder, 28 bales of feathers, 8 sacks of lard, 296 boxes of eggs, 30 head of cattle, 90 pigs, 220 lambs, 34 calves and 69 miscellaneous packages. On November 14, 1848 3, sailed, from Cork harbor alone: 147 bales of bacon, 120 casks and 135 barrels of pork, 5 casks of hams, 149 casks of miscellaneous provisions (foodstuff); 1,996 sacks & 950 barrels of
    oats; 300 bags of flour; 300 head of cattle; 239 sheep; 9,398 firkins of butter; 542 boxes of eggs. On July 28, 1848 4; a typical day’s food shipments from only the following four ports: from Limerick: the ANN, JOHN GUISE and MESSENGER for London; the PELTON CLINTON for Liverpool; and the CITY OF LIMERICK, BRITISH QUEEN, and CAMBRIAN MAID for Glasgow. This one-day removal of Limerick’s food was of 863 firkins of butter; 212 firkins, 1,198 casks and 200 kegs of lard, 87 casks of ham; 267 bales of bacon; 52 barrels of pork; 45 tons and 628 barrels of flour; 4,975 barrels of oats and 1,000 barrels of barley. From Kilrush: the ELLEN for Bristol; the CHARLES G. FRYER and MARY ELLIOTT for London. This one-day removal was of 550 tons of County Clare’s oats and 15 tons of its barley. From Tralee: the JOHN ST. BARBE, CLAUDIA and QUEEN for London; the SPOKESMAN for Liverpool. This one-day removal was of 711 tons of Kerry’s oats and 118 tons of its barley. From Galway: the MARY, VICTORIA, and DILIGENCE for London; the SWAN and UNION for Limerick (probably for transshipment to England). This one-day removal was of 60 sacks of Co. Galway’s flour; 30 sacks and 292 tons of its oatmeal; 294 tons of its oats; and 140 tons of its miscellaneous provisions (foodstuffs). British soldiers forcibly removed it from its starving Limerick, Clare, Kerry and Galway producers.

    In Belmullet, Co. Mayo the mission of 151 soldiers 5 of the 49th Regiment, in addition to escorting livestock and crops to the port for export, was to guard a few tons of stored meal from the hands of the starving; its population falling from 237 to 105 between 1841 and 1851. Belmullet also lost its source of fish in January, 1849, when Britain’s Coast Guard arrested its fleet of enterprising fishermen ten miles at sea in the act of off-loading flour from a passing ship. They were sentenced to prison and their currachs were confiscated.

    The Waterford Harbor British army commissariat officer wrote to British Treasury Chief Charles Trevelyan on April 24, 1846; “The barges leave Clonmel once a week for this place, with the export supplies under convoy which, last Tuesday, consisted of 2 guns, 50 cavalry, and 80 infantry escorting them on the banks of the Suir as far as Carrick.” While its people starved, the Clonmel district exported annually, along with its other farm produce, approximately 60,000 pigs in the form of cured pork.

    There were many “Voices in the Wilderness” risking all to stop the genocide. For example; Wexford-born Jane Wilde, mother of Oscar and poetess, wrote under the nom de plume “Speranza,” in the United Irishman newspaper the following (verses 1 and 6 printed here) during the depths of 1847 re the British genocidists and the innocents they were exterminating:

    THE FAMINE YEAR
    Weary men, what reap ye? “Golden corn for the Stranger.”
    What sow ye? “Human corpses that await for the Avenger.”
    Fainting forms, all hunger-stricken, what see you in the offing?
    “Stately ships to bear our food away amid the stranger’s scoffing.”
    There’s a proud array of soldiers what do they round your door?
    “They guard our masters’ granaries from the thin hands of the poor.”
    Pale mothers, wherefore weeping? “Would to God that we were dead”
    Our children swoon before us, and we cannot give them bread!”

    “We are wretches, famished, scorned, human tools to build your pride,
    But God will yet take vengeance for the souls for whom Christ died.
    Now is your hour of pleasure, bask ye in the world’s caress;
    But our whitening bones against ye will arise as witnesses,
    From the cabins and the ditches, in their charred, uncoffined masses,
    For the Angel of the Trumpet will know them as he passes.
    A ghastly, spectral army before God we’ll stand
    And arraign ye as our murderers, O spoilers of our land!”

    Mrs. Wilde evidently knew that British arms controlled every field of Ireland. Small detachments resided as far away as 40 miles from their garrisons shown on the map. The absence of army garrisons in Co. Derry, etc., indicates that its royalist militia adequately reinforced its constabulary. Bayonets, cannons, rifles, the lash, eviction and the gallows were freely used to seize Irish food (on the pretext that it was “the property” of some English “owner”-by-robbery; nearly all of whom were absentees). But Wilde couldn’t have known each regiment’s identity. We discovered them in the Public Record Office, Kew Gardens, London in 1983 while researching material for my paternal grandfather’s biography. It was just as available to Irish government-subsidized authors and academicians. Their Big Lie campaign is shocking. Perhaps this brochure will encourage them to finally tell the truth; that Britain perpetrated a Holocaust in Ireland. …

    Official British intent at the time is revealed by its actions and enactments. When the European potato crop failed in 1844 and food prices rose, Britain ordered regiments to Ireland. When blight hit the 1845 English potato crop its food removal regiments were already in Ireland; ready to start. The Times editorial of September 30, 1845, warned; “In England the two main meals of a working man’s day now consists of potatoes.” England’s potato-dependence was excessive; reckless. Grossly over-populated relative to its food supply, England faced famine unless it could import vast amounts of alternative food. But it didn’t grab merely Ireland’s surplus food; or enough Irish food to save England. It took more; for profit and to exterminate the people of Ireland. Queen Victoria’s economist, Nassau Senior, expressed his fear that existing policies “will not kill more than one million Irish in 1848 and that will scarcely be enough to do much good.”6 When an eye-witness urged a stop to the genocide-in-progress, Trevelyan replied: “We must not complain of what we really want to obtain.”7 Trevelyan insisted that all reports of starvation were exaggerated, until 1847. He then declared it ended and refused entry to the American food relief ship Sorciére. Thomas Carlyle; influential British essayist, wrote; “Ireland is like a half-starved rat that crosses the path of an elephant. What must the elephant do? Squelch it – by heavens – squelch it.” “Total Annihilation;” suggested The Times leader of September 2, 1846; and in 1848 its editorialists crowed “A Celt will soon be as rare on the banks of the Shannon as the red man on the banks of Manhattan.” The immortal Society of Friends, the “Quakers,” did all in their power to save lives. But in 1847 they despaired and quit, upon learning that the Crown planned to perpetuate the genocide’s pretext; the British claim of “ownership” of Irish land. Quakers refused to facilitate the genocide by pretending (as Concern does re African genocides) it was an act of nature. In the 1870s; too late; British laws were enacted allowing the Irish to buy back the land of which Britain had robbed them. Twice-yearly payments were extracted from Ireland’s farmers until that “debt” was paid off in the 1970s. Ireland’s diet, since pre-history, has been meat, dairy products, grains, fruit and vegetables; latterly supplemented by potatoes. Central to its ancient legends are its livestock, reaping hooks, flails,8 querns, and grain-kilns and -mills. The many Connacht grain-kilns and -mills shown on the Irish Ordnance Survey Map of 1837-1841 operated continually prior to, during the Starvation, and subsequent to it until the 1940s when I observed them still working. Local farmers dried and milled their grain – not potatoes – in them, and this oatmeal and flour were seized and exported by British forces. The “potato famine” Big Lie was underway and already denounced by John Mitchel in his United Irishman in 1847 (he was soon sent in chains to a Tasmanian death camp; but escaped). Fifty years later G.B. Shaw wrote in Man and Superman:

    “Malone: ‘My father died of starvation in Ireland in the Black ’47. Maybe you’ve heard of it?’

    Violet: ‘The Famine?’

    Malone: (with smoldering passion) ‘No, the Starvation. When a country is full of food and exporting it, there can be no Famine.”‘

    But he kept mum on the British army’s role; Ireland’s whole-truth-tellers don’t receive Nobels. To date, the Big Lie prevails. It started in 1846 when, while the British government genocidally stripped Ireland of its abundant foodstuffs, internationally it was begging help for the “starving Irish.” John Mitchel remonstrated;

    “Many will, perhaps, be surprised to learn neither Ireland, nor anybody in Ireland ever asked alms or favors of any kind, either from England or from any other nation or people. On the contrary, it was England herself that begged for us, asking a penny, for the love of God, to relieve the poor Irish. And further, constituting herself the almoner and agent of all that charity, she, England, took all the profit of it.” Mitchel again; ‘Thus any man who had a house, no matter how wretched, was to pay the new tax; and every man was bound to have a house; for if found out of doors after sunset; and convicted of that offence, he was to be transported for fifteen years, or imprisoned for three – the court to have the discretion of adding hard labor or solitary confinement. This law would drive the survivors of ejected people (those who did not die of hunger) into the poorhouses or to America; because, being bound to be at home after sunset, and having neither house nor home, they would be all in the absolute power of the police, and in continual peril of transportation to the colonies (Australian slave labor camps). By another act of parliament the police force was increased, and taken more immediately into the service of the Crown; the Irish counties were in part relieved from their pay; and they became, in all senses, a portion of the regular army. They amounted to twelve thousand chosen men, well-armed and drilled. The police were always at the command of sheriffs for executing ejectments; and if they were not in sufficient force, troops of the line could be had from the nearest garrison. No wonder that the London Times, within less than three years after, was enabled to say; ‘Law has ridden roughshod through Ireland, it has been taught with bayonet, and interpreted with ruin. Townships levelled with the ground, straggling columns of exiles, workhouses multiplied, and still crowded, express the determination of the legislature to remove Ireland from its slovenly old barbarism, and to plant the institutions of this more civilized land’ (meaning England!)” Mitchel also wrote; “Steadily, but surely, the ‘Government’ was working out its calculation; and the produce anticipated by ‘political circles’ was likely to come out about September (of 1847), in round numbers – two millions of Irish corpses.” 9 …

    TOLL OF IRISH HOLOCAUST
    The 1841 census of Ireland revealed a population of 10,897,449. This figure includes the correction factor established by that year’s official partial recount.

    When, between 1779 and 1841, the U.S. population increased by 640 percent, and England’s is estimated to have increased, despite massive emigration to its colonies, by 100 percent, it is generally accepted that Ireland’s population increase was 172% 10. The average annual component of this 172% increase is x in the formula (1+ x)62 = 1 + 172%; thus 0.0163, or 1.63%. Accepting that this 1.63% rate of annual population increase continued until mid-1846 (one human gestation after the late-1845 beginning of removal of Ireland’s food), the 1846 population was 11,815,011.

    Assuming that rate continued, the population in 1851, absent the starvation, would have been approximately 12,809,841. However; the 1851 census recorded a population of 6,552,385; thus there was a “disappearance” of 6,257,456. This population-loss figure of 6,257,456 is scarcely susceptible to significant challenge, being derived directly from the British government’s own censuses for Ireland. It is reasonable to assume that the rigor established in the recount of 1841 became the standard for the 1851 census; so that any residual undercount would be systemic, affecting 1841 and 1851 proportionately (and, if known, would increase the murder total). These 6,257,456 include roughly 1,000,000 who successfully fled into exile and another 100,000 unborn between 1846 and 1851 due to malnutrition-induced infertility.

    Of the 100,000 who fled to Canada in 1847, only 60,000 were still alive one month after landing.11 Among the 40,000 dead was Henry Ford’s father’s mother who died en route from Cork or in quarantine on Quebec’s Grosse Ile.

    Thus; though from 1845 through 1850, 6,257,456 “disappeared,” the number murdered is approximately 1.1 million fewer; i.e., 5.16 millions. Consequently; if Britain’s census figures for Ireland are correct the British government murdered approximately 5.16 million Irish men, women and children; making it the Irish Holocaust. This number, 5.16 million, exceeds the high end of the range (4.2 to 5.1 million) of serious estimates of the number of Jews murdered by Nazis.

    The least reliable component of the foregoing arithmetic is the number assumed to have successfully fled. If the fleers who survived prove to number, say, 900,000 instead of 1,000,000, the murder count will have to be corrected from 5.16 to 5.26 millions. This amount of adjustment, up or down, of the 5.16 millions murdered is determinable by sensitive review of the immigration records of the U.S., Canada, Argentina, and Australia; and of government records on the Irish who fled to Britain at the time.

    We invite bona fide documentation of the foregoing; whether in confirmation or rebuttal. Economists and historians are disqualified if their published work on the events of 1845-1850 covers up the British army’s central role therein. Such individuals lack the standing to participate in this truth-quest.

    To our knowledge nobody else has ever published the above arithmetic or named the food removal regiments and battleships.

    Evidence that other truth-telling accounts exist would be greatly appreciated. Irish academia shuns and slurs Tom Gallagher’s Paddy’s Lament and Englishwoman Cecil Woodham-Smith’s The Great Hunger for mentioning the Food Removal. Woodham-Smith fudged, but not enough to satisfy the cover-up cabal. For example; she reported that the 1841 partial recount established a correction factor of one-third for the 1841 census figure; but she used the uncorrected figure to calculate! By this and other fudges she arrived at a population-loss of only 2.5 million. She allocated only half a page to the core facts of the Genocide; the food removal data, while using some two hundred pages to describe British government “relief measures” as if they were something other than cosmetic exercises; a cover-up. But just as Telefis Eireann out-Britished Yorkshire TV by refusing to co-premiere the latter’s 1993 exposé of the 5/17/74 British bombings of Dublin/Monaghan streets that murdered 33 and maimed 253; and as the Irish police menace the survivors of that bombing instead of arresting the known British perpetrators; so do Irish historians out-British Woodham-Smith by ostracizing her for exposing the Food Removal. They out-do themselves in describing the “benefit” of the Irish Holocaust; how Britain reduced poverty in Ireland ( by murdering those it had impoverished!

    They promote the notion that only the blighted potato crop belonged to the Irish while Ireland’s abundant livestock, grains, etc., all “belonged” to mostly absentee English landlords. By that insane standard all of the property and production of Europe and Asia, excepting starvation rations for workers, would belong to W.W.II GIs and their heirs (or to the Axis had it won).

    Irish are not guilty. Though many Holocaust Irish, like many, say, Auschwitz Jews, took deadly advantage of their own weakest, neither the Irish nor Jewish communities had hand or part in the conceiving and planning of the genocides from London and Berlin; respectively. But, the German government repented and paid $100 billion (dollars) reparations to Jews while the British government and its Dublin surrogates still use terror and slander against those who commemorate the Irish Holocaust. It is still dangerous – after 150 years – to reveal the truth of it. …

    Complicity of the Catholic Hierarchy with London’s planned genocide is, sad to say, well recorded. London, prior to removing Ireland’s food, appointed a few Irish Catholic Bishops to a Dublin Castle commission and awarded a £30,000 lump sum to Maynooth while increasing its annual grant from £9,000 to £26,000!12 Before British troops began starving Ireland the London parliament enacted a law to return some of the seized foods in the form of rations to all of Ireland’s Catholic hierarchy down to the level of, but not including, curates. Faced with residual hierarchical disquiet, M.P.s amended the law to include curates. This ended episcopal objections to the Irish Holocaust; it proceeded efficiently thenceforth.

    An Irish poet subsequently wrote; “…for the spire of the chapel of Maynooth is the dagger at Ireland’s heart.” A Munster bishop thanked God that he “lives in a country where a farmer would starve his own children to pay his landlord’s rent”! For two centuries until 1795, priests in Ireland were felons a priori. The government paid a 5 shilling bounty for each severed head. In 1795, British ministers decided that to completely subjugate Ireland the collaboration of the Catholic Church was indispensable. Britain thus stopped murdering priests and founded and funded Ireland’s national seminary; Maynooth. The tactic worked; the Irish Catholic Church became London’s tool. 13 It facilitated the Irish Holocaust; it sided with Britain in the Risings of 1798, 1848, 1867 and 1916, destroyed Parnellite democracy in 1890 (traumatizing James Joyce) 14 and it has facilitated Britain’s vestigial genocide in the Six Counties since 1922. Cardinal Daly recently went so far as to “beg England’s forgiveness for the centuries of suffering inflicted upon it by the Irish!” Yet; isn’t Catholicism as gloriously redeemed by its persecuted Fr. Wilsons and Sr. Sarah Clarkes of today as by its earlier millions of saints martyred by Elizabeth I, Cromwell, Anne, George III, Victoria, et al?

    Irish Starvation Martyrs. Honorable Irish people everywhere are commemorating Ireland’s Holocaust of 1845-1850 by learning the truth of it. Thus, only dupes of British propaganda still refer to “The Irish Famine,” as nobody died of lack of potatoes; but over five million Irish Catholics died of starvation or of malnutrition-induced disease when British troops removed their meats, grains, dairy products, etc. Britain could have removed food enough to sustain 13 million (but not 18 million) without starving Ireland. No Protestant starved in Ireland 15 Britain didn’t target them.

    The Truth Outs as we, the descendants of the survivors of that starvation will no longer be silenced. We denounce Ireland’s Strokestown “Famine Museum,” for its shameless “bait and switch” scam. Visitors seeking details of one of history’s worst genocides are subtly invited to admire the genocidal landlord’s grandiose taste in architecture and furnishings; all looted from the unpaid labor and land of the Irish families he murdered. It is highly unlikely that a Jew exists so depraved as to establish a Jewish Holocaust museum that similarly invites the visitor to slur the victims and admire, say, Goering’s taste in looted Jewish property. How dare President Robinson say “the famine shames the Irish”? It is her cover-up that shames the Irish! As Holocaust guilt is Nazis’, not the victims’, so the guilt for 1845-1850 is the British perpetrators’ and the above cover-up artists’; not ours and not their murdered victims’. Irish-America must tell the truth of it because in Ireland it is still too dangerous. The Irish government has announced that in June, 1997 it will end the “Irish Famine commemoration” in a “wake cum musical celebration to bury the ghost of the famine.” Thus; the Irish government advertises its quisling status by ending the commemoration prior to the anniversaries of the murders of more than half of the 5.2 millions.

    What else can one expect from the government whose Consuls spoke in Illinois’ State Legislature in opposition to the McBride Principles for Fair Employment in Northern Ireland? They pose as anti-terrorists while collaborating with the British terrorists who, since 1969, have murdered over six times16 as many noncombatants as have the IRA. An Irish bureaucrat recently joined our campaign to get the Irish Holocaust graves monumented, fenced and consecrated. He tells us that he will be fired or worse if his superiors learn of his involvement. He echoes another Irishman who, two centuries ago, observed; “Having a natural reverence for the dignity and antiquity of my native country, strengthened by education, and confirmed by an intimate knowledge of its history, I could not, without the greatest pain and indignation, behold … the extreme passiveness and insensibility of the present race of Irish, at such reiterated insults offered to truth and their country: instances of inattention to their own honor, unexampled in any other civilized nation.” 17

    DISHONORED MARTYRS; THEIR MASS GRAVES
    The discovery of mass graves resulting from genocide always causes international outcry. But the mass graves of the Irish genocide are unmarked and unmourned by the world at large. Why? Because the Truth was interred in those pits along with the martyrs. The bones of the murdered 5.2 million are scattered across Ireland, the Atlantic sea-floor and North American littorals; but they are concentrated in mass graves the permanently-abandoned state of which eloquently reveals the genocidists’ power. It was also mass martyrdom; as the victims could have saved their lives by renouncing their Faith. Food crops that civil law had forced them to tithe (before soldiers took the rest) to the local English State Church parson was on offer to whoever would renounce Catholicism and become Anglican. But they died for Faith and Freedom, and their mass graves are Ireland’s holiest places (excepting, perhaps, the graves of those who died resisting). Yet, the souls of these murdered millions still cry to us for justice. After 150 years their murders remain misattributed and the mass graves containing their sacred remains are still unfenced, unmarked and even unconsecrated. It is not the Irish people who are such brutes. The condition of the mass graves reveals the brutal extent of English control of Ireland today; how unfree Ireland actually is. But America is free; Britain’s MI6 can slur us but cannot murder us with the impunity they do in Dublin, Monaghan, the Occupied Six Counties,

    and as did British guards who entered the Maghaberry prison cell of Irishman Jim McDonnell on 3/30/96 and kicked him to death for asking to go to his father’s funeral. British terrorists, however, are operating in the U.S. In Valhalla’s Wake, authors McIntyre & Loftus report that, according to CIA sources, an MI6/SAS team of assassins murdered an American, John McIntyre, in Boston a decade ago. Five US citizens have been murdered by British terrorists in Ireland; none by the Irish. A law-abiding FBI agent alerted us a few years ago that some of his fellow agents; British-bribed; were planning MI6-type “dirty-tricks” crimes against us and that he was powerless to arrest them. Soon thereafter, FBI gangs, led by agent Edward P. Buckley, conducted five armed raids upon us, incarcerated me and my wife and two others, and fabricated evidentiary tape and committed perjury in an attempt to imprison us. 18 The FBI also framed me for the murder of Mr. and Mrs. Langert in Winnetka; but the actual murderer, David Biro, saved my life by confiding his crimes to school friends who informed the police. Biro, a 16-year-old, got life without parole. I would have gotten lethal injection. I knew nobody involved; had never heard of them in my entire life until the reports of the murders. Our attorneys photocopied the signed, FBI-fabricated police report that framed me. FBI/IRS crimes against us started shortly after we began exposing Britain’s Big Lie re Ireland. American democracy is, we sense, less violated by these FBI/IRS crimes than by the fact that law enforcement, pols and the news media have all, British-style, knowingly covered them up and that the legal profession is cowed. The FBI criminals’ British handlers tried to “take us out” to stop our support for basic rights in Ireland. The FBI later fabricated a malicious “immunity certificate” for me and my wife (making us appear to be FBI collaborators) and leaked it to an FBI asset for publication. 19 …

    E-mail fogartyc@att.net or write to: Irish Holocaust Graves – USA; 900 No. Lake Shore Dr., #1507; Chicago, IL 60611 Tel. 312/664-7651; Fax 312/664-3401 2/1/95. Reaugmented 7May97.

    © 1995 Fogarty

    The following postscript added in 1997:
    Truth Arises.

    The Brit/Irish government is intensifying its cover-up efforts. The British Consulate’s p.r. specialist Gaynor demanded that we cease distribution outside Chicago’s Old St. Patrick church, saying;

    “How dare you? Your pamphlets are contradicting my Irish Potato Famine display inside!”

    Her Irish Holocaust Cover-up tour of the US was fronted in Chicago by the Irish Consul, the AOH, Catholic priests, et al. To co-opt our bill to mandate Irish Holocaust awareness in Illinois schools Irish Consul General Sheridan is promoting a parallel “Potato Famine” one. Irish Teachta Dala (M.P.) Avril Doyle recently promoted that “famine” lie across the U.S., including at Notre Dame U. The Brit/Irish government got massive space for her on National Public Radio, Irish-American radio, and mainstream and Irish-American newspapers. All news outlets who disseminated her untruths ban this pamphlet’s truths. Shades of 1847 of which Mitchel wrote in p. 229 of his History of Ireland;

    “But there was a secret and underground machinery. The editor of the World (newspaper) was now on full pay; and on terms of close intimacy at the Castle and Viceregal Lodge.” However; other truth-tellers exist. See attached copy of letter in Saoirse that reveals what awaited the Holocaust Irish in Liverpool.

    The Workhouses operated as diabolical factories. The sign out front might as well have read “Queen Victoria’s Title Guarantee Co.” They produced clear titles to Irish land for English landlords, as follows; the starving Irish (raw material) entered the workhouse as claimants to the lands of their ancestors and to land they improved. As a condition of entry they had to sign away their claim to all of it but a quarter-acre. Once this was done the starvelings became the “factory’s” waste product; and were moved nearer to the Dying Room as they weakened. In the Castlerea workhouse, and presumably in many or most others, the Dying Rooms were located at the back end of the workhouse on the upper floor adjacent to a wall opening where, when the deed was done, the corpse was pushed through the opening and slid down a chute into a mass grave outside the building. Thus, landlords’ titles were guaranteed and the waste product was disposed of efficiently. Most of the mass graves located on the map are those dumps; unchanged from 150 years ago except for the overgrowth of grass and weeds. Not one of the 170 of them has a marker that identifies the regiment that removed its district’s foodstuffs. FIN

    Footnotes:
    1. President Robinson’s preface in the Strokestown “‘Famine’ Museum” book.
    2. Paddy’s Lament; by Thomas Gallagher; p. 149.
    3. Ireland; A History; by Robert Kee; p. 100.
    4. Limerick Intelligencer; July 29, 1848.
    5. Where the Sun Sets; by Fr. Seán Noone; ps. 14, 76, 103.
    6. The Great Hunger; by Cecil Woodham-Smith; p. 373 (cap. xvii; sect. 3; pp. 1; penult. sentence).
    7. Ibid.; p. 369.
    8. Atlas of Ireland; by The Irish Academy; p. 91 (Folk Tradition; distribution of flail types).
    9. History of Ireland; by John Mitchel; p. 204
    10. The Great Hunger; by Cecil Woodham-Smith; ps. 24 and 409; also “Information Please” Almanac; p. 796
    11. Ibid; p. 234. (final pp. of cap. XI). Other works show the mortality rate far exceeded 40%.
    12. The Making of Modern Ireland; by J.C. Beckett; p. 329.
    13. A Wounded Church; by Fr. Joseph McVeigh.
    14. James Joyce; by R. Ellman; ps. 16, 19, 24, 31-4, 40-1, 55-6, 153-4, 161, 266, 303, 331, 347, 349, 547, 761, 784.
    15. Chicago Sun-Times Magazine; 2/23/86 (a British government press release).
    16. An Index of Deaths from the Conflict In Ireland; 1969-1993 by Malcolm Sutton. Confirmed by other works.
    17. An introduction to the Study of the History and Antiquities of Ireland; Sylv. O’Halloran; Dublin; 1772.
    18. Final Motion of US Case No. 91 CR 911; Chicago. The case records prove FBI crimes. We possess copies.
    19. Lumpen Times magazine ; June ’93, August ’93, July ’96, and August, 1996. The Irish Echo refused to run it.

    Chris Fogarty, Chicago email to fogarty@ix.netcom.com

  4. A chara
    Where does the Irish Free State government get off taking it upon itself to thank Liverpool for its benevolent role towards the Irish refugees that arrived in the port of Liverpool during the ‘famine’ years.

    “It is keen to acknowledge the city’s special role in accepting and caring for Irish immigrants” – Avril Doyle TD, Irish minister for state.

    Their praise conjures up pictures of these starving and dying refugees being rushed to Emergency Ward Ten on arrival, awash with Live Aid concerts. As is known the truth was far from that! These starving people were left mainly to fend for themselves, countless thousands died in appalling conditions; 40 or 50 deep in Liverpool’s pestilent cellars. These ‘dungeons’ had already been condemned in 1842 after another Irish influx from hunger, and bricked up thanks to the work of the famous Dr Duncan of Liverpool. Our people had to smash their way into these cellars because them was no other place for them.

    The living were left to lie with the dead in these hell-holes. Disease was rampant. At the same time, British merchant ships stuffed tight with quality foodstuffs arrived at Liverpool from Ireland throughout the ‘famine’ years while this dispossessed Irish mass perished a couple of yards from where these ships berthed with food destined for the belly of the British bourgeoisie. In fact both food and starving refugees were shipped out together from Ireland bound for Liverpool.
    Dr Duncan became the fist Medical Officer of Health ever to be appointed in Britain from 1847-1863. His appointment was as a direct result of the horrors of British rule in Ireland exploding onto the streets of Liverpool, horrors that were seeping into the wealthier districts of this city.

    England ‘was’ a socially backward country compared to other European nations of that time. The English working class of Liverpool lived and worked in the most horrendous conditions, the worst in Britain. The British army complained after rejecting 75% of the city’s working-class men on health grounds that they ‘were unfit to be shot at’. It is hard to believe that people could live in worse conditions, but they did. “It is they [the Irish] who inhabit the filthiest and worst of these unventilated courts and cellars.” (Dr Duncan of Liverpool speaking in 1842.) Much worse was to come with the advent of the Great Famine looming in Ireland.

    The only reason the ‘kindly’ city fathers didn’t close off the Port of Liverpool to the Irish as did the Isle of Man authorities was Liverpool was the ex-African slave capital of the world; it was well used to shipping millions of humans in stinking fever-ridden holds of its ships across the Atlantic. There was much money to be made for the powerful ship owners etc.

    To say people chose to stay on in Liverpool, rather than cross the Atlantic, is laughable. Liverpool was the most hostile place the Irish could possibly find themselves in. Media outlets ran intense anti-Irish feeling to prevent any solidarity there may have been with the Irish from the English working class. Vicious Orange Lodge attacks were common on the vulnerable, murders and suicides wore near daily occurrences. Corpses were fished out of the Mersey daily. Then the final insult: the bodies would be put on display naked to the public from behind bars that opened on to the street known as the ‘Drowned, House’. No, this was the flight of the very poor, many having been given the small amount for the crossing by landowners’ agents to clear them off the land once and for all. Others were carried as live ship’s ballast; they wanted only to be fed. Decades after the ‘famine’ the Liverpool Irish ghettos were a death trap; 64% of its children never reached the age of nine compared to 39% in London. For the rest of working-class in Liverpool it was 49%.

    During the ‘famine’ years Liverpool’s answer wasn’t medical help or sufficient food. In fact, Martial Law was called for from certain quarters. Many arrests and deportations took place. Two thousand fully armed soldiers were sent north from London, 800 Cheshire Yeomanry, 700 Auxiliary men arrived and three war ships sailed for Liverpool and anchored in the Mersey.

    Twenty thousand, mainly from the lower middle-class, many of them Orange Lodge members were made special constables to bolster the already 800-strong Liverpool police force, for the sole duty of keeping these destitute Irish contained.

    They may have also been used to dig the secret mass graves that have been unearthed in the city and recently came to light, the latest in 1973 containing 3,561 bodies stacked in order of presumed age that were secretly incinerated before tests could be carried out. This was on British Home Office orders which it now denies knowledge of. It is now known as the ‘Mystery’ Mass Grave, It took eight years before this mass grave was reported in the press and then only in the Catholic Pictorial (September 6,1981).
    Those Irish who escaped the typhus infection in Ireland and paid passage to the Americas too had reason to ‘thank’ Liverpool for its benevolence. Three quarters of the human traffic to cross the Atlantic sailed from Liverpool; 95% of which were Irish. Dr Douglas, the Medical Officer at Grosse Isle, Canada stated in his report that in his opinion “the filthy Liverpool slums, where poor emigrants were forced to lodge before embarking, were one of the main causes of the ship fever disaster.” (The Great Hunger p 278.)

    It has been estimated, though not widely known, that 100,000 Irish souls were swept away in Liverpool during the genocidal years of the Gael (Pardon and Peace by Rev Friel). This is a city that up until today has no memorial to those who perished in its guts nor has much consciousness of this trauma, much to our shame. The schools of the city teach the descendants of the banished Gael who survived this Holocaust only the ‘glorious’ ride of the British Empire, not the fact that it tried to wipe them out.
    The truth about this British manufactured ‘famine’ tragedy has never really been told. And if this revisionist tampering carries on, it never Will.

    Just for the record, Ms Avril Doyle, the first relief ever organized in Liverpool for Irish ‘famine’ victims was by Irish navies who were building a railway from Liverpool to Bury, Lancashire. They donated a day’s pay each. This is in stark contrast to the ‘Honourable’ James Lawrence, the Tory Lord Mayor of Liverpool in 1845 and local booze baron, who refused to hold any conference on relief for the Irish.

    A book that is a must to be read on this Holocaust is The End of Hidden Ireland by RJ Scally
    S Ryan
    DO hEANACHAIN
    James Larkin Association
    Liverpool
    *SAOIRSE – Eanair / January 1997

    Jean Marie of Haringuey, London, informed us of the two mass graves on Achill Island and of a religious service conducted at a recently-discovered Irish Holocaust mass grave in Islington, London. She also writes:

    “The Coast Guard also prevented fishermen from fishing. Confiscated their currachs and nets! The landlord of the Falcarragh area of Donegal used to send his agent out to the islands, even during storms, at the risk of the agents life, to ensure that the islanders were not eating any of the rabbits that abounded there. This is recorded in writing by a Tory Islander and has appeared in the book; Toraigh na dTonn.”

    “An t-Athair Peadar 0 Laoire (Fr. Peter O’Leary) recorded in his autobiography that the landlord used to come into the 0 Laoire house to examine the cooking pots on the fire. Once he took Peadar himself, the baby of the family, to question him whether he had ever eaten meat. Peadar said he remembered having eaten a piece of meat ‘a long time ago;’ just once. The family resumed breathing – they were saved. This is related in P. 0 Laoire’s book; “Mo Sceal Fein.” (22April 1997)

    HISTORY IRELAND
    The End of Hidden Ireland: Rebellion, Famine and Emigration, Robert J. Scally (Oxford University Press, £21.50)
    Published in 18th-19th Century Social Perspectives, 18th–19th – Century History, Book Reviews, Issue 4 (Winter 1995), Reviews, The Famine, Volume 3

    Ralahine, Prosperous, Kingwilliamstown, Dolly’s Brae, Ceim an Fhia, Carrickshock: small, insignificant places, yet places with strong resonances in Irish history. Is Ballykilcline, an obscure Roscommon townland containing fewer than five hundred souls on the eve of the Famine, now about to join them? Probably not, for a few reasons. Part of the problem is that too much about the ‘rebellion’ of Ballykilcline, the main focus of Bob Scally’s thoughtful and important book, has been lost.

    Scally has dug deep and long and done a fine job of teasing a narrative out of rather slender evidence. But his account of the long drawn-out battle between the tenants of a tiny Crown estate and its owners has to rely mainly on patchy material from the Quit Rent Office. Little concrete is known about the rebel leaders—’the most lawless and violent set of people in the County Roscommon’ according to the Crown’s agent—beyond their names and the sizes of their holdings. Folk memory offers little help; in 1954 an eighty-six-year-old woman living in one of the three remaining houses in Ballykilcline stated, accurately enough, that before the Famine ‘there were eighty families and most of them were evicted’, but she left it at that. Again, although much of his book is about Ballykilcline, Scally presents its story as a parable for what might have happened in many other small places.

    This explains the book’s title, dustjacket, and illustrations. The illustrations describe places ranging from Kerry to Antrim, and a group photograph of people living in Gaoth Dobhair in the 1870s graces the cover. So for Scally Ballykilcline is not just Ballykilcline: it is also a kind of pre-Famine ‘Ballybeg’ or ‘Inishkillane’.

    The outlines of what happened in Ballykilcline are clear enough. The townland was Crown property, but had been leased for several decades to the Mahons of nearby Strokestown House. In 1834, the incumbent of Strokestown, Lord Hartland, went mad. Almost simultaneously—and the timing was crucial—the Mahon lease on the property expired. As various Mahons disputed the ownership of Strokestown in the courts, the Crown’s officers waited, presumably intent on re-leasing the land to the new owner. In the meantime the Ballykilcline tenants stopped paying rent. By October 1841 their arrears had mounted to a whopping £3,000. Some of the ringleaders were evicted in 1844, but they soon re-possessed their cabins and lands. Charged with forcible entry, they were acquitted by what the agent dubbed ‘a set of the lowest and most ignorant men that could be impanelled’. The dispute continued. An exasperated lord lieutenant declared the property ‘for years past the most mismanaged in Ireland’. After further negotiations and threats and petitions, the Crown finally decided on a radical plan in late 1846. Ballykilcline would be cleared and converted into viable holdings, and its recalcitrant tenants emigrated to America at public expense. The first batch of Ballykilcline tenants headed for Dublin by cart in September 1847. Others followed, more reluctantly, in the following months. The estate, valued at nearly £10,000, was sold for only £5,500 in 1849. Scally’s gentle and sympathetic account thus revolves around two of the most important features of Irish nineteenth-century rural life, land and emigration.

    Ballykilcline contains less than a square mile of relatively poor land, not much for nearly five hundred people. Yet though its tenants were poor, they were by no means equally poor. The more prosperous among them led the rent-strike. When the Crown sought to assert its property rights, those same tenants used toughness, legal wiles, and dubious petitions to confound and mollify them. On Scally’s telling, the ‘rebellion’ both evokes and anticipates the kind of collective action that would capture the headlines throughout Ireland in the 1880s. That the tenants’ world did not fall in when they found themselves without a landlord reflects the essentially parasitic character of landlords like the Mahons.

    However, the episode also shows the Crown as landlord in a humane light. Instead of leaving the evicted tenants to fend for themselves, the Crown chose instead to carry the heavy cost of emigrating about four hundred people, ‘rebels’ included, from Roscommon to Manhattan. Of course, as Stephen de Vere noted, the public sector could afford what was ‘far beyond the means of mere individuals’.

    Bob Scally is an acknowledged expert on the tough conditions faced by Famine emigrants in Liverpool and on the Atlantic passage and his depiction of them makes harrowing reading. However, the final sections of his book might also be read as an unwitting reminder of how much more might have been achieved during the Famine by the expeditious emigration of more of the poor, particularly the landless poor. Because the Ballykilcline tenantry and their families were shipped out in good ships bound for the United States most of them survived the Famine. Only the healthy travelled, however; several tenants unwilling to desert elderly parents or handicapped siblings stayed on. So did the landless poor who had been living in the townland on the goodwill of their neighbours. They were dispossessed, leaving no trace.

    Though there is no evidence that the rebels of Ballykilcline were parties to the famous conspiracy to murder Major Denis Mahon, the new owner of the Strokestown estate, there is an important connection between events in both places. The smallholders and farmers of Strokestown had quickly learned the trick of holding onto their rent money from their Ballykilcline neighbours, and by the time Strokestown House finally fell into the hands of Denis Mahon, he was owed £13,000 in rent.

    The Ballykilcline emigrants disappear without trace once they disembark from the Roscius, the Channing, the Metoka, and the Progress in New York. It would be nice to know whether the communality which was damaged by the Famine was restored in the New World. That is a topic for further study, but it should not be so difficult to find an answer. Thanks to the industry of the Church of Latter Day Saints, in recent times the names of everybody enumerated in the United States censuses of 1850 and 1860 have been entered into massive computers in Salt Lake City. Some careful digging in the Mormon files should resurrect some of Bob Scally’s Padians, Reynolds, and Narys, who had shown such pluck and guile in faraway Ballykilcline.

    Cormac Ó Gráda
    HISTORY IRELAND
    Editor
    Tommy Graham, Tisch School of the Arts, New York University, Dublin Programme. Contact: editor@historyireland.com
    Consulting Editor
    Seán Duffy, Dept. of Medieval History, Trinity College, Dublin

    Editorial Board
    Tony Canavan, Elma Collins, Peter Collins, Patrick Fitzgerald, Peter Gray, Brian Hanley, Angus Mitchell, Éamonn Ó Ciardha, Eamon O’Flaherty, Thomas O’Loughlin

    Publishing Manager; Nick Maxwell. Contact: production@historyireland.com
    Advertsing Manager: Una MacConville. Contact: advertising@historyireland.com
    Administration and Subscriptions: Helen Dunne. Contact: subscriptions@historyireland.com

  5. I am an American and also never experienced patriotism. Patriots always seemed like unwitting dupes, towing a party line that was 50% fantasy. In school I always took the option to never stand for the pledge of allegiance to the flag. In school the news always played on a tube-tv in homeroom in the morning showing “the gulf war” and Bush senior would say “not gonna be prudent at this juncture”, Afterwards M.C. hammer would dance on the TV wearing parachute pants, and it was like I was living in two americas and didnt have to worry, because it was natural: those in the military industrial complex live in “that america”, but I lived in the “other america”. As a 40 year old I still feel zero patriotism. Strangely, I thought Esperanto might be good for me, since it was international. Sadly, Esperanto was one of the most negative experiences in my life. I found that many people in the generation below me had some kind of new-patriotism for “liberals” and they disliked not Bush but Trump, but only because he didnt like gays and said bad stuff against women. I soon was glad that Trump bothered them. The 13 year old transexuals paraded through the streets attracting the evil sign bearing Christians, and I blamed all of them for polluting the atmosphere with thier idealogical social movements. I’m glad I learned Spanish. It’s idealogy-free.

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